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[[File:Flag of KPD-ML.svg|thumb|Flag used by the [[ | [[File:Flag of KPD-ML.svg|thumb|Flag used by the [[Communist Party of Germany/Marxist–Leninists]], commonly used as a symbol of Hoxhaism.]] | ||
{{Hatnote|For other uses, see [[Hoxhaism (disambiguation)]]}} | {{Hatnote|For other uses, see [[Hoxhaism (disambiguation)]]}} | ||
'''Hoxhaism''' describes the ideology of people and organizations that sided with [[People's Socialist Republic of Albania|Albania]] and [[Enver Hoxha]] in the [[Sino-Albanian Split]]. The main principle character of Hoxhaism is the extremely critical analysis of [[Mao Zedong]] and [[Maoist China]] | '''Hoxhaism''' describes the ideology of people and organizations that sided with [[People's Socialist Republic of Albania|Albania]] and [[Enver Hoxha]] in the [[Sino-Albanian Split]]. The main principle character of Hoxhaism is the extremely critical analysis of [[Mao Zedong]] and [[Maoist China]] through [[dogmatic]] methods. <ref>[https://massline.org/Dictionary/HO.htm HO section of the Massline Dictionary]</ref> | ||
Hoxhaists in general often do not define themselves as a separate tendency from [[anti-revisionism|anti-revisionist]] [[Marxism–Leninism]] and as such reject the term "Hoxhaism" as a self-description. It is largely the case that certain Hoxhaists such as those aligned with the [[Comintern (SH)]] use the term "Hoxhaism" or "Stalinism–Hoxhaism." | Hoxhaists in general often do not define themselves as a separate tendency from [[anti-revisionism|anti-revisionist]] [[Marxism–Leninism]] and as such reject the term "Hoxhaism" as a self-description. It is largely the case that certain Hoxhaists such as those aligned with the [[Comintern (SH)]] use the term "Hoxhaism" or "Stalinism–Hoxhaism." | ||
==Development== | ==Development== | ||
[[File:Hoxha1984.png|thumb|[[Enver Hoxha]], leader of the [[Party of Labor of Albania]] and namesake of Hoxhaism.]] | |||
Hoxhaism is directly based off the works of Enver Hoxha and his supporters. Hoxha himself changed stances multiple times, most notably from supporting the [[People's Republic of China]] to militantly opposing it as a [[Revisionism|revisionist]] state. Prior to the mid-to-late 1970s, Hoxha regarded Mao Zedong as a great Marxist–Leninist and a key ally.<ref>Enver Hoxha, Letter to the Ninth Conference of the Chinese Communist Party<blockquote>“The Ninth Congress marks a brilliant page in the long history of the great Communist Party of China, which is full of heroic and legendary struggles. It affirmed the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist line of Chairman Mao and the decisive victory of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. It firmly held and raised higher the red banner of revolution and socialism. It further strengthened and tempered the Party, its unity of thought and action on the basis of the invincible thought of the great Marxist-Leninist Comrade Mao Tse-Tung.”</blockquote></ref> | Hoxhaism is directly based off the works of Enver Hoxha and his supporters. Hoxha himself changed stances multiple times, most notably from supporting the [[People's Republic of China]] to militantly opposing it as a [[Revisionism|revisionist]] state. Prior to the mid-to-late 1970s, Hoxha regarded Mao Zedong as a great Marxist–Leninist and a key ally.<ref>Enver Hoxha, Letter to the Ninth Conference of the Chinese Communist Party<blockquote>“The Ninth Congress marks a brilliant page in the long history of the great Communist Party of China, which is full of heroic and legendary struggles. It affirmed the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist line of Chairman Mao and the decisive victory of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. It firmly held and raised higher the red banner of revolution and socialism. It further strengthened and tempered the Party, its unity of thought and action on the basis of the invincible thought of the great Marxist-Leninist Comrade Mao Tse-Tung.”</blockquote></ref> | ||
Hoxha would change positions on Mao and the PRC throughout the 1970s until he began to openly critique them in works such as [[Library:Theory and Practice of the Revolution|''Theory and Practice of the Revolution'']] (1977) and more importantly ''[[Imperialism and the Revolution]]'' (1978). | Hoxha would change positions on Mao and the PRC throughout the 1970s until he began to openly critique them in works such as [[Library:Theory and Practice of the Revolution|''Theory and Practice of the Revolution'']] (1977) and, more importantly ''[[Imperialism and the Revolution]]'' (1978), in the latter describing [[Mao Zedong Thought]] as an "anti-[[Marxism|Marxist]] theory." | ||
<blockquote>By analyzing the facts, our Party arrived at some general and specific conclusions, which made it vigilant, but it avoided polemics with the Communist Party of China and Chinese leaders, not because it was afraid to engage in polemics with them, but because the facts, which it had about the erroneous, anti-Marxist course of this party and Mao Tsetung himself, were incomplete, and still did not permit the drawing of a final conclusion. On the other hand, for a time, the Communist Party of China did oppose US imperialism and reaction. It also took a stand against Soviet Khrushchevite revisionism, though it is now clear that its struggle against Soviet revisionism was not dictated from correct, principled Marxist-Leninist positions. | <blockquote>By analyzing the facts, our Party arrived at some general and specific conclusions, which made it vigilant, but it avoided polemics with the Communist Party of China and Chinese leaders, not because it was afraid to engage in polemics with them, but because the facts, which it had about the erroneous, anti-Marxist course of this party and Mao Tsetung himself, were incomplete, and still did not permit the drawing of a final conclusion. On the other hand, for a time, the Communist Party of China did oppose US imperialism and reaction. It also took a stand against Soviet Khrushchevite revisionism, though it is now clear that its struggle against Soviet revisionism was not dictated from correct, principled Marxist-Leninist positions. | ||
—Enver Hoxha, ''Imperialism and the Revolution''</blockquote> | —Enver Hoxha, ''Imperialism and the Revolution''</blockquote> | ||
The events which composed this ideological conflict are known as the Sino-Albanian Split. This split separated Hoxhaist organizations from pro-Mao ones and gave them their main characteristic of being opposed to Mao yet still supportive of [[Joseph Stalin]]. | |||
==Ideology== | ==Ideology== | ||
Hoxhaism defines itself as allegedly being the true continuation of Marxism–Leninism in the modern day. Hoxhaism is more defined by what it is opposed to rather than what it supports, as Hoxhaists limit their body of theory to Hoxha along with the [[Classics of Marxism|four classical theorists]] of Marxism–Leninism. | Hoxhaism defines itself as allegedly being the true continuation of Marxism–Leninism in the modern day. Hoxhaism is more defined by what it is opposed to rather than what it supports, as Hoxhaists limit their body of theory to Hoxha along with the [[Classics of Marxism|four classical theorists]] of Marxism–Leninism. | ||
Hoxhaists oppose [[Titoism]], [[Khrushchevism]], [[Brezhnevism]], and in particular | Hoxhaists oppose [[Titoism]], [[Khrushchevism]], [[Brezhnevism]], and in particular Mao Zedong Thought and [[Maoism]]. Hoxhaists view Mao Zedong as an [[opportunism|opportunist]] and bourgeois class collaborationist who turned China away from socialist construction. They view Mao Zedong as a [[bourgeois revolution|bourgeois revolutionary]] and nothing more.<ref>Hoxha, Enver ''[https://november8ph.ca/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/canthechineserevolutionbecalledaproletarianrevolution.pdf Can the Chinese Revolution be called a Proletarian Revolution?]'' (1979) November 8th Publishing House. pp. 1-9 </ref> | ||
Hoxhaists take inspiration from the isolation the People's Socialist Republic of Albania underwent during its existence, believing that any form of credits from [[Capitalism|capitalist]] states will result in ill-effects. | |||
<blockquote>"In no case do the capitalists provide their credits for the construction of socialism. They provide them to destroy socialism. Therefore, a genuine socialist country never accepts credits, ill any form, from a capitalist, bourgeois, or revisionist country." | |||
—Enver Hoxha, ''Imperialism and the Revolution''</blockquote> | |||
==Organizations== | |||
After the fall of PSR Albania in 1991, Hoxhaist parties formed the [[International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations]] with its publication being ''Unity and Struggle''. The Conference was founded in Quito, Ecuador in 1994 and adopted ''A Communist Declaration to the Workers and Peoples of the World''. During its XXII plenary meeting it adopted ''International Platform: on Capitalism, the Working Class and the Fight for Communism''. The ICMLPO holds annual plenary sessions as well as holding regional meetings in [[Europe]], the [[Americas]] and [[Asia]]. | |||
== See also == | == See also == | ||
* [[Communist Party of Germany/Marxist–Leninist]] | * [[Communist Party of Germany/Marxist–Leninist]] | ||
* [[Comintern (SH)]] | * [[Comintern (SH)]] | ||
* [[Dogmato-revisionism]] | * [[Dogmato-revisionism]] | ||
* [[Anti-Maoism]] | |||
==References== | ==References== | ||
{{reflist}} | {{reflist}} | ||
[[Category:Anti-revisionism]] | [[Category:Anti-revisionism]] | ||
[[Category:Hoxhaism]] | |||
Latest revision as of 20:01, 19 November 2025
Hoxhaism describes the ideology of people and organizations that sided with Albania and Enver Hoxha in the Sino-Albanian Split. The main principle character of Hoxhaism is the extremely critical analysis of Mao Zedong and Maoist China through dogmatic methods. [1]
Hoxhaists in general often do not define themselves as a separate tendency from anti-revisionist Marxism–Leninism and as such reject the term "Hoxhaism" as a self-description. It is largely the case that certain Hoxhaists such as those aligned with the Comintern (SH) use the term "Hoxhaism" or "Stalinism–Hoxhaism."
Development
Hoxhaism is directly based off the works of Enver Hoxha and his supporters. Hoxha himself changed stances multiple times, most notably from supporting the People's Republic of China to militantly opposing it as a revisionist state. Prior to the mid-to-late 1970s, Hoxha regarded Mao Zedong as a great Marxist–Leninist and a key ally.[2]
Hoxha would change positions on Mao and the PRC throughout the 1970s until he began to openly critique them in works such as Theory and Practice of the Revolution (1977) and, more importantly Imperialism and the Revolution (1978), in the latter describing Mao Zedong Thought as an "anti-Marxist theory."
By analyzing the facts, our Party arrived at some general and specific conclusions, which made it vigilant, but it avoided polemics with the Communist Party of China and Chinese leaders, not because it was afraid to engage in polemics with them, but because the facts, which it had about the erroneous, anti-Marxist course of this party and Mao Tsetung himself, were incomplete, and still did not permit the drawing of a final conclusion. On the other hand, for a time, the Communist Party of China did oppose US imperialism and reaction. It also took a stand against Soviet Khrushchevite revisionism, though it is now clear that its struggle against Soviet revisionism was not dictated from correct, principled Marxist-Leninist positions. —Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution
The events which composed this ideological conflict are known as the Sino-Albanian Split. This split separated Hoxhaist organizations from pro-Mao ones and gave them their main characteristic of being opposed to Mao yet still supportive of Joseph Stalin.
Ideology
Hoxhaism defines itself as allegedly being the true continuation of Marxism–Leninism in the modern day. Hoxhaism is more defined by what it is opposed to rather than what it supports, as Hoxhaists limit their body of theory to Hoxha along with the four classical theorists of Marxism–Leninism.
Hoxhaists oppose Titoism, Khrushchevism, Brezhnevism, and in particular Mao Zedong Thought and Maoism. Hoxhaists view Mao Zedong as an opportunist and bourgeois class collaborationist who turned China away from socialist construction. They view Mao Zedong as a bourgeois revolutionary and nothing more.[3]
Hoxhaists take inspiration from the isolation the People's Socialist Republic of Albania underwent during its existence, believing that any form of credits from capitalist states will result in ill-effects.
"In no case do the capitalists provide their credits for the construction of socialism. They provide them to destroy socialism. Therefore, a genuine socialist country never accepts credits, ill any form, from a capitalist, bourgeois, or revisionist country." —Enver Hoxha, Imperialism and the Revolution
Organizations
After the fall of PSR Albania in 1991, Hoxhaist parties formed the International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations with its publication being Unity and Struggle. The Conference was founded in Quito, Ecuador in 1994 and adopted A Communist Declaration to the Workers and Peoples of the World. During its XXII plenary meeting it adopted International Platform: on Capitalism, the Working Class and the Fight for Communism. The ICMLPO holds annual plenary sessions as well as holding regional meetings in Europe, the Americas and Asia.
See also
References
- ↑ HO section of the Massline Dictionary
- ↑ Enver Hoxha, Letter to the Ninth Conference of the Chinese Communist Party
“The Ninth Congress marks a brilliant page in the long history of the great Communist Party of China, which is full of heroic and legendary struggles. It affirmed the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist line of Chairman Mao and the decisive victory of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. It firmly held and raised higher the red banner of revolution and socialism. It further strengthened and tempered the Party, its unity of thought and action on the basis of the invincible thought of the great Marxist-Leninist Comrade Mao Tse-Tung.”
- ↑ Hoxha, Enver Can the Chinese Revolution be called a Proletarian Revolution? (1979) November 8th Publishing House. pp. 1-9